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more wealthy

  • 1 better off

    English-Italian dictionary > better off

  • 2 better off

    A n the better-off (+ v pl) les riches mpl.
    B adj
    1 ( more wealthy) plus riche (than que) ; their better-off neighbours leurs voisins plus riches ; I was better off then j'avais plus d'argent à l'époque ;
    2 ( having more) to be better off for avoir plus de [space, books, boyfriends] (than que) ;
    3 ( in a better situation) mieux ; you'd be better off in hospital tu serais mieux à l'hôpital ; you'd have been better off doing tu aurais mieux fait de faire ; you're better off as you are tu es mieux comme tu es ; you're better off without him tu es mieux sans lui.

    Big English-French dictionary > better off

  • 3 better off

    English-French dictionary > better off

  • 4 affluent

    ['æfluənt]
    (wealthy: He is becoming more and more affluent.) rig; velstående
    * * *
    ['æfluənt]
    (wealthy: He is becoming more and more affluent.) rig; velstående

    English-Danish dictionary > affluent

  • 5 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 6 say

    I [seɪ]

    to have one's say — dire la propria, dare il proprio parere (on su)

    to have a say, no say (in the matter) — avere, non avere voce in capitolo

    they want more o a bigger say vogliono avere più peso; to have the most o biggest say — avere più voce in capitolo o più peso

    II 1. [seɪ]
    verbo transitivo (pass., p.pass. said)
    1) [ person] dire [words, prayer, yes, no] (to a)

    "hello," he said — "ciao" disse

    say after me... — ripetete dopo di me...

    if o though I do say so myself! non dovrei dirlo io! so they say (agreeing) così dicono; or so they say (doubtful) così almeno dicono; so to say per così dire; as you say... come dici tu...; as they say come si dice, come si suol dire; people o they say he's very rich he is said to be very rich si dice che sia molto ricco; to say sth. to oneself dire fra sé (e sé); what do you say to that? e adesso? come rispondi? what do you say to...? cosa ne pensi di...? what would you say to a little walk? che ne diresti di fare quattro passi? what (do you) say we eat now? colloq. e se mangiassimo adesso? it's not for me to say non sono io che devo dirlo, non tocca a me dirlo; you said it! colloq. l'hai detto! you can say that again! colloq. puoi ben dirlo! I should say it is! eccome! well said! ben detto! say no more, enough said colloq. va bene, non dire o aggiungere altro; let's say no more about it non ne parliamo più; there's no more to be said non c'è nient'altro da aggiungere; it goes without saying that va da sé o è ovvio che; don't say it's raining again! non mi dire che piove di nuovo! you might just as well say... tanto vale dire che...; that is to say cioè, vale a dire; that's not to say that ciò non vuol dire che; he was displeased, not to say furious era scontento, per non dire furioso; I must say (that) devo dire (che); to have a lot to say for oneself (negative) essere pieno di sé; (positive) avere molti pregi; what have you got to say for yourself? che cos'hai da dire in tua difesa? that's saying a lot — colloq. non è poco

    2) [writer, book, letter, report, map] dire; [painting, music, gift] esprimere; [sign, poster, gauge] indicare; [gesture, signal] significare, voler dire

    it says on the radio, in the rules that — la radio, il regolamento dice che

    let's say (that)supponiamo o mettiamo che

    2.
    verbo intransitivo (pass., p.pass. said)
    1)

    you don't say!iron. ma non mi dire! ma va là!

    says you!colloq. (taunting) lo dici tu!

    says who! who says?colloq. (sceptical) ah sì? (on whose authority?) e chi lo dice?

    2) BE ant.

    I say! (listen) ascolta! (shocked) giuro, sulla mia parola!

    ••

    it says a lot for sb., sth. — la dice lunga su qcn., qcs.

    when all is said and done — tutto considerato, a conti fatti

    III [seɪ]
    avverbio diciamo, poniamo

    you'll need, say, Ј 50 for petrol — avrai bisogno di, diciamo, 50 sterline per la benzina

    IV [seɪ]
    interiezione AE ehi, senti (un po')
    * * *
    [sei] 1. 3rd person singular present tense - says; verb
    1) (to speak or utter: What did you say?; She said `Yes'.) dire
    2) (to tell, state or declare: She said how she had enjoyed meeting me; She is said to be very beautiful.) dire
    3) (to repeat: The child says her prayers every night.) dire
    4) (to guess or estimate: I can't say when he'll return.) dire
    2. noun
    (the right or opportunity to state one's opinion: I haven't had my say yet; We have no say in the decision.) (diritto di parlare), (voce in capitolo)
    - have
    - I wouldn't say no to
    - let's say
    - say
    - say the word
    - that is to say
    * * *
    say (1) /seɪ/
    n. [u]
    1 quel che si ha da dire; opinione: to have (o to say) one's say, dire la propria; dare il proprio parere
    2 diritto di parlare (o di decidere); voce in capitolo: to have a say ( in the matter), aver voce in capitolo (nella faccenda).
    say (2) /seɪ/
    inter.
    (fam. USA) ehi!; di' un po'! senti (un po')!
    ♦ (to) say /seɪ/
    (pass. e p. p. said), v. t. e i.
    1 dire; dichiarare; asserire; affermare; recitare: «Move this table,» Mary said, «sposta questo tavolo» disse Mary; I said straightaway I wanted to buy it, but he told me to think it over, io dissi subito che volevo comprarlo ma lui mi disse di rifletterci bene; I'm only going to say a few words, dirò solo poche parole; to say «Good morning», dire «buongiorno»; dare il buongiorno; Say after me: «I swear to speak the truth», ripeti dopo di me: «Giuro di dire la verità»; to say yes [no], dire di sì [di no]; needless to say, inutile a dirsi; manco a dirlo; People say ( o they say) he's very wealthy, dicono che sia molto ricco; He is said to be extremely rich, si dice che sia ricchissimo; Say your prayers, di' (o recita) le preghiere!; He said he would run in the election, ha dichiarato che si sarebbe candidato alle elezioni; It's hard to say, è difficile a dirsi; DIALOGO → - At the bus stop- I'd say I've been here about fifteen minutes, direi che sono qui da quindici minuti; What did he say about me?, che cosa ha detto di me?; What do you have to say about that?, che cosa ne dici?; Do as I say, fai come dico io; Let us say he is innocent, diciamo che è (o supponiamo che sia) innocente; Let's meet again tomorrow, say at 4, ritroviamoci domani pomeriggio, diciamo alle 4 NOTA D'USO: - to tell o to say?-
    2 ( di testo scritto) dire; essere scritto: What does her note say?, che cosa dice il suo biglietto?; It says on the label that it should be taken before your meals, l'etichetta dice che lo si deve prendere prima dei pasti; It is said in the Bible, lo dice la Bibbia; sta scritto nella Bibbia
    3 indicare; segnare; fare: The tower clock says ten past four, l'orologio della torre segna le 4 e 10
    ● (GB) I say, you do look smart!, ehi, come sei elegante! □ That says a lot about his reliability, questo la dice lunga sulla sua affidabilità □ What have you got to say for yourself?, che cosa puoi dire a tua discolpa? □ There is a lot to be said for their offer, la loro offerta sembra assai vantaggiosa □ It doesn't say much for his fitness to run the business, non depone certo a favore della sua capacità di mandare avanti la ditta □ to say a good word for sb., dire (o mettere) una buona parola per q. to say nothing of, per non dire (o parlare) di □ What would you say (o do you say) to a glass of beer?, che ne diresti (o che ne dici) di una birra? □ to say to oneself, dire fra sé; pensare □ (fam. USA) to say uncle, arrendersi; dire basta □ (versando da bere a q.) «Say when!» – «When», «Di' basta!» – «Basta così» □ to say the word, dare l'ordine; dare il via □ ( slang) «Says who?» «Says me!», «e chi lo dice?» «lo dico io!» □ ( slang) Says you!, lo dici tu!; figurati!; non ci credo; provaci (un po')! □ (fam.) says I, dico io; dissi io □ So you say!, ah sì?; davvero?; cosa mi dici! □ You can say that again (o You may well say so)!, puoi dirlo forte!; altroché!; eccome! □ (fam. spec. USA) You said it, l'hai detto!; verissimo! □ You don't say (so)!, ma no!; non è possibile!; pensa un po'! □ It goes without saying that…, va da sé che…; è ovvio che… □ ( rispondendo a un'offerta) I wouldn't say no, grazie, sì; volentieri □ (fam.) What do you say?, che ne dici? che ne pensi?; che te ne pare? □ Who can say?, chi può dirlo?, chi lo sa? □ You can't say fairer than that, mi pare una proposta più che generosa; di più non si può pretendere □ having said that, detto questo; comunque □ An excellent idea, if I may say so!, ottima idea, se posso dire! □ You may well say so, puoi ben dirlo □ There is no saying how he will react, non si può sapere come la prenderà; la sua reazione è imprevedibile □ (fam.) Say no more, non dire altro!; non aggiungere altro!; ho (già) capito! □ that is to say, vale a dire; cioè; in altre parole □ when all is said and done, a conti fatti; tutto considerato.
    NOTA D'USO: - to say (passive)-
    * * *
    I [seɪ]

    to have one's say — dire la propria, dare il proprio parere (on su)

    to have a say, no say (in the matter) — avere, non avere voce in capitolo

    they want more o a bigger say vogliono avere più peso; to have the most o biggest say — avere più voce in capitolo o più peso

    II 1. [seɪ]
    verbo transitivo (pass., p.pass. said)
    1) [ person] dire [words, prayer, yes, no] (to a)

    "hello," he said — "ciao" disse

    say after me... — ripetete dopo di me...

    if o though I do say so myself! non dovrei dirlo io! so they say (agreeing) così dicono; or so they say (doubtful) così almeno dicono; so to say per così dire; as you say... come dici tu...; as they say come si dice, come si suol dire; people o they say he's very rich he is said to be very rich si dice che sia molto ricco; to say sth. to oneself dire fra sé (e sé); what do you say to that? e adesso? come rispondi? what do you say to...? cosa ne pensi di...? what would you say to a little walk? che ne diresti di fare quattro passi? what (do you) say we eat now? colloq. e se mangiassimo adesso? it's not for me to say non sono io che devo dirlo, non tocca a me dirlo; you said it! colloq. l'hai detto! you can say that again! colloq. puoi ben dirlo! I should say it is! eccome! well said! ben detto! say no more, enough said colloq. va bene, non dire o aggiungere altro; let's say no more about it non ne parliamo più; there's no more to be said non c'è nient'altro da aggiungere; it goes without saying that va da sé o è ovvio che; don't say it's raining again! non mi dire che piove di nuovo! you might just as well say... tanto vale dire che...; that is to say cioè, vale a dire; that's not to say that ciò non vuol dire che; he was displeased, not to say furious era scontento, per non dire furioso; I must say (that) devo dire (che); to have a lot to say for oneself (negative) essere pieno di sé; (positive) avere molti pregi; what have you got to say for yourself? che cos'hai da dire in tua difesa? that's saying a lot — colloq. non è poco

    2) [writer, book, letter, report, map] dire; [painting, music, gift] esprimere; [sign, poster, gauge] indicare; [gesture, signal] significare, voler dire

    it says on the radio, in the rules that — la radio, il regolamento dice che

    let's say (that)supponiamo o mettiamo che

    2.
    verbo intransitivo (pass., p.pass. said)
    1)

    you don't say!iron. ma non mi dire! ma va là!

    says you!colloq. (taunting) lo dici tu!

    says who! who says?colloq. (sceptical) ah sì? (on whose authority?) e chi lo dice?

    2) BE ant.

    I say! (listen) ascolta! (shocked) giuro, sulla mia parola!

    ••

    it says a lot for sb., sth. — la dice lunga su qcn., qcs.

    when all is said and done — tutto considerato, a conti fatti

    III [seɪ]
    avverbio diciamo, poniamo

    you'll need, say, Ј 50 for petrol — avrai bisogno di, diciamo, 50 sterline per la benzina

    IV [seɪ]
    interiezione AE ehi, senti (un po')

    English-Italian dictionary > say

  • 7 Coimbra, University of

       Portugal's oldest and once its most prestigious university. As one of Europe's oldest seats of learning, the University of Coimbra and its various roles have a historic importance that supersedes merely the educational. For centuries, the university formed and trained the principal elites and professions that dominated Portugal. For more than a century, certain members of its faculty entered the central government in Lisbon. A few, such as law professor Afonso Costa, mathematics instructor Sidônio Pais, anthropology professor Bernardino Machado, and economics professor Antônio de Oliveira Salazar, became prime ministers and presidents of the republic. In such a small country, with relatively few universities until recently, Portugal counted Coimbra's university as the educational cradle of its leaders and knew its academic traditions as an intimate part of national life.
       Established in 1290 by King Dinis, the university first opened in Lisbon but was moved to Coimbra in 1308, and there it remained. University buildings were placed high on a hill, in a position that
       physically dominates Portugal's third city. While sections of the medieval university buildings are present, much of what today remains of the old University of Coimbra dates from the Manueline era (1495-1521) and the 17th and 18th centuries. The main administration building along the so-called Via Latina is baroque, in the style of the 17th and 18th centuries. Most prominent among buildings adjacent to the central core structures are the Chapel of São Miguel, built in the 17th century, and the magnificent University Library, of the era of wealthy King João V, built between 1717 and 1723. Created entirely by Portuguese artists and architects, the library is unique among historic monuments in Portugal. Its rare book collection, a monument in itself, is complemented by exquisite gilt wood decorations and beautiful doors, windows, and furniture. Among visitors and tourists, the chapel and library are the prime attractions to this day.
       The University underwent important reforms under the Pombaline administration (1750-77). Efforts to strengthen Coimbra's position in advanced learning and teaching by means of a new curriculum, including new courses in new fields and new degrees and colleges (in Portugal, major university divisions are usually called "faculties") often met strong resistance. In the Age of the Discoveries, efforts were made to introduce the useful study of mathematics, which was part of astronomy in that day, and to move beyond traditional medieval study only of theology, canon law, civil law, and medicine. Regarding even the advanced work of the Portuguese astronomer and mathematician Pedro Nunes, however, Coimbra University was lamentably slow in introducing mathematics or a school of arts and general studies. After some earlier efforts, the 1772 Pombaline Statutes, the core of the Pombaline reforms at Coimbra, had an impact that lasted more than a century. These reforms remained in effect to the end of the monarchy, when, in 1911, the First Republic instituted changes that stressed the secularization of learning. This included the abolition of the Faculty of Theology.
       Elaborate, ancient traditions and customs inform the faculty and student body of Coimbra University. Tradition flourishes, although some customs are more popular than others. Instead of residing in common residences or dormitories as in other countries, in Coimbra until recently students lived in the city in "Republics," private houses with domestic help hired by the students. Students wore typical black academic gowns. Efforts during the Revolution of 25 April 1974 and aftermath to abolish the wearing of the gowns, a powerful student image symbol, met resistance and generated controversy. In romantic Coimbra tradition, students with guitars sang characteristic songs, including Coimbra fado, a more cheerful song than Lisbon fado, and serenaded other students at special locations. Tradition also decreed that at graduation graduates wore their gowns but burned their school (or college or subject) ribbons ( fitas), an important ceremonial rite of passage.
       The University of Coimbra, while it underwent a revival in the 1980s and 1990s, no longer has a virtual monopoly over higher education in Portugal. By 1970, for example, the country had only four public and one private university, and the University of Lisbon had become more significant than ancient Coimbra. At present, diversity in higher education is even more pronounced: 12 private universities and 14 autonomous public universities are listed, not only in Lisbon and Oporto, but at provincial locations. Still, Coimbra retains an influence as the senior university, some of whose graduates still enter national government and distinguished themselves in various professions.
       An important student concern at all institutions of higher learning, and one that marked the last half of the 1990s and continued into the next century, was the question of increased student fees and tuition payments (in Portuguese, propinas). Due to the expansion of the national universities in function as well as in the size of student bodies, national budget constraints, and the rising cost of education, the central government began to increase student fees. The student movement protested this change by means of various tactics, including student strikes, boycotts, and demonstrations. At the same time, a growing number of private universities began to attract larger numbers of students who could afford the higher fees in private institutions, but who had been denied places in the increasingly competitive and pressured public universities.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Coimbra, University of

  • 8 early

    1. adjective

    I am a bit early — ich bin etwas zu früh gekommen od. (ugs.) dran

    have an early nightfrüh ins Bett gehen

    early riser — Frühaufsteher, der/-aufsteherin, die

    in the early afternoon/evening — am frühen Nachmittag/Abend

    into the early hoursbis in die frühen Morgenstunden

    at/from an early age — in jungen Jahren/von klein auf

    at an early stage, in its early stages — im Frühstadium

    2. adverb

    as early as tomorrowschon od. bereits morgen

    earlier on this week/year — früher in der Woche/im Jahr

    * * *
    ['ə:li] 1. adverb
    1) (near the beginning (of a period of time etc): early in my life; early in the afternoon.) früh
    2) (sooner than others; sooner than usual; sooner than expected or than the appointed time: He arrived early; She came an hour early.) zu früh
    2. adjective
    1) (belonging to, or happening, near the beginning of a period of time etc: early morning; in the early part of the century.) früh
    2) (belonging to the first stages of development: early musical instruments.) frühzeitig
    3) (happening etc sooner than usual or than expected: the baby's early arrival; It's too early to get up yet.) zu früh
    4) (prompt: I hope for an early reply to my letter.) baldig
    - academic.ru/23091/earliness">earliness
    - early bird
    * * *
    ear·ly
    <-ier, -iest or more \early, most \early>
    [ˈɜ:li, AM ˈɜ:r-]
    I. adj
    1. (in the day) früh
    she usually has an \early breakfast sie frühstückt meistens zeitig
    \early edition Morgenausgabe f
    the \early hours die frühen Morgenstunden
    in the \early morning am frühen Morgen
    \early morning call Weckruf m
    \early riser Frühaufsteher(in) m(f)
    2. (of a period) früh, Früh-
    she is in her \early thirties sie ist Anfang dreißig
    in the \early afternoon am frühen Nachmittag
    at an \early age in jungen Jahren
    from an \early age von klein auf
    in the \early 15th century Anfang [o zu Beginn] des 15. Jahrhunderts
    \early education Früherziehung f, Vorschulerziehung f
    to score an \early goal ein frühes Tor erzielen
    \early potatoes Frühkartoffeln pl
    \early returns erste Wahlergebnisse
    \early Romantic Frühromantiker(in) m(f)
    \early stage Anfangsstadium nt, Frühstadium f
    3. attr ( form: prompt) schnell, baldig
    \early payment appreciated um baldige Zahlung wird gebeten
    4. (ahead of expected time) vorzeitig; (comparatively early) [früh]zeitig
    I took an \early train home from work today ich habe heute nach der Arbeit einen früheren Zug genommen
    you are \early du bist früh dran fam
    to have an \early dinner/lunch früh zu Abend/Mittag essen
    to have an \early night früh schlafen [o zu Bett] gehen
    \early parole vorzeitige [Haft]entlassung
    \early retirement vorzeitiger [o vorgezogener] Ruhestand, Frühpension f ÖSTERR, SCHWEIZ
    to take \early retirement vorzeitig in den Ruhestand gehen, in Frühpension gehen ÖSTERR, SCHWEIZ
    5. attr (first) erste(r, s), frühe(r, s)
    the \early Christians die ersten Christen
    the E\early Church die Urkirche
    the \early masters ART die frühen Meister
    II. adv
    1. (in the day) früh, zeitig
    to get up [or rise] \early früh aufstehen
    2. (in good time) vorzeitig
    to arrive \early zeitig eintreffen
    3. (ahead of expected time) vorzeitig; (prematurely) zu früh; (comparatively early) [früh]zeitig
    the plane landed 20 minutes \early das Flugzeug landete 20 Minuten früher [als geplant]
    to die \early früh sterben
    4. (of a period) früh
    I'll call you \early next Monday/tomorrow ich rufe dich Montag/morgen Vormittag an
    \early [on] in life früh im Leben
    \early in the week Anfang der Woche
    \early in October Anfang Oktober
    \early next week Anfang nächster Woche
    * * *
    ['ɜːlɪ]
    1. adv
    1)

    early in 1915/in February — Anfang 1915/Februar

    early (on) in the year/(the) winter

    early (on) in his/her/their etc life — in jungen Jahren

    early (on) in the evening/morning —

    he got up very early in the morninger stand sehr früh (am Morgen) auf

    early this month/year —

    early next month/year — Anfang nächsten Monats/Jahres

    early today/this morning — heute früh

    2) (= before the expected time) früher (als erwartet); (= before the appointed time) zu früh; (= earlier than usual) früh

    to be five minutes/an hour early —

    he left school early (went home) — er ging früher von der Schule nach Hause; (finished education) er ging vorzeitig von der Schule ab

    to get up/go to bed early —

    good morning, you're early today — guten Morgen, Sie sind heute ja früh dran

    early to bed, early to rise (makes a man healthy, wealthy and wise) (Prov)früh ins Bett und früh heraus, frommt dem Leib, dem Geist, dem Haus (Prov)

    See:
    bright
    2. adj (+er)

    in early summer/autumn — zu Sommer-/Herbstanfang, im Frühsommer/Frühherbst

    in early spring/winter — zu Frühlings-/Winteranfang

    the early years/months/days — die ersten Jahre/Monate/Tage

    early January/August etc — Anfang Januar/August etc

    in the early 60s/1980s etc — Anfang der sechziger/achtziger etc Jahre or Sechziger-/Achtzigerjahre etc

    until or into the early hoursbis in die frühen Morgenstunden

    his early workseine frühen Werke, sein Frühwerk nt

    since early childhood — seit seiner/ihrer etc frühen Kindheit

    to be in one's early thirties/forties etc —

    it's too early to say/to say whether... — es ist noch zu früh, um etwas zu sagen/um zu sagen, ob...

    it is too early to know what his motives are —

    it's too early for a final decision — es ist zu früh, um eine endgültige Entscheidung zu fällen

    only her voice has changed from those early daysnur ihre Stimme ist anders als damals zu Anfang

    it's early days (yet) (esp Brit) — wir/sie etc sind noch im Anfangsstadium

    2) (= before expected time) flowers früh blühend; cabbage, peas etc, crop früh; death vorzeitig; marriage früh; menopause verfrüht
    3) (from historical perspective) settlers, man frühgeschichtlich

    the early church —

    4)

    (= soon) at an early date — bald

    at the earliest possible momentso bald wie irgend möglich

    See:
    * * *
    early [ˈɜːlı; US ˈɜrliː]
    A adv
    1. früh, (früh)zeitig;
    early in the day (year) früh am Tag (im Jahr);
    early in the morning früh am Morgen, am frühen Morgen, frühmorgens;
    early in life früh im Leben;
    early in May Anfang Mai;
    early in 1996 Anfang 1996;
    early last week Anfang letzter Woche;
    as early as May schon im Mai;
    as early as the times of Chaucer schon zu Chaucers Zeiten;
    early to bed and early to rise makes a man healthy, wealthy, and wise (Sprichwort) Morgenstunde hat Gold im Munde; afternoon A
    2. bald:
    as early as possible so bald wie möglich
    3. am Anfang:
    a) schon früh(zeitig),
    b) bald;
    early on in anfangs (gen)
    4. a) zu früh:
    b) früher:
    B adj
    1. früh, (früh)zeitig:
    early riser, hum early bird Frühaufsteher(in);
    be an early riser auch früh aufstehen;
    the early bird catches ( oder gets) the worm (Sprichwort) Morgenstunde hat Gold im Munde;
    keep early hours früh aufstehen und früh zu Bett gehen;
    at this early stage schon jetzt;
    the early summer der Frühsommer;
    at an early hour zu früher Stunde;
    it is still early days es ist noch zu früh am Tage;
    in the early eighties (am) Anfang der Achtzigerjahre;
    he’s in his early forties er ist Anfang der Vierziger
    2. a) vorzeitig, früh:
    his early release seine vorzeitige Entlassung;
    early school leaver Schulabbrecher(in)
    b) vorgezogen (Wahl)
    3. zu früh:
    you are early today du bist heute (etwas) zu früh (daran);
    he was born two months early er kam zwei Monate zu früh auf die Welt
    4. früh, Jugend…:
    in his early days in seiner Jugend
    5. früh (reifend):
    early fruit Frühobst n
    6. anfänglich, Früh…, früh, erst(er, e, es):
    early Christian frühchristlich;
    the early Christians die ersten Christen, die Frühchristen;
    early history Frühgeschichte f, frühe Geschichte;
    early pace SPORT Anfangstempo n
    7. baldig (Antwort etc)
    * * *
    1. adjective

    early riser — Frühaufsteher, der/-aufsteherin, die

    in the early afternoon/evening — am frühen Nachmittag/Abend

    at/from an early age — in jungen Jahren/von klein auf

    at an early stage, in its early stages — im Frühstadium

    2. adverb

    as early as tomorrowschon od. bereits morgen

    earlier on this week/year — früher in der Woche/im Jahr

    * * *
    adj.
    baldig adj.
    früh adj.
    zeitig adj.

    English-german dictionary > early

  • 9 _здоров'я; медицина

    after dinner sit a while, after supper walk a mile always tell your doctor and your lawyer the truth an apple a day keeps the doctor away the best doctors are Dr. Diet, Dr. Quiet, and Dr. Merryman beware of the young doctor and the old barber change of scenery makes for health cheerfulness is the principal ingredient in health the cleverest doctor cannot save himself death defies the doctor or employs him to do its job diet cures more than doctor diseases are the tax of pleasures a doctor eases your pain; God cures it doctors' faults are covered with earth, and rich men's with money doctors make the worst patients early to bed and early to rise makes a man healthy, wealthy, and wise eat few suppers and you'll need few medicines feed a cold and starve a fever folks spend their health to acquire wealth and later spend their wealth in an effort to regain their health fond of lawsuits, little wealth; fond of doctors, little health God restores health, and the physician gets thanks good health and good sense are two of life's greatest blessings good health is above wealth a good surgeon must have an eagle's eye, a lion's heart and a lady's hand he is a fool that makes his doctor his heir he's the best physician that knows the vvorthlessness of most medicines he who sleeps late has short days health and money go far health is not valued till sickness comes health is the first muse health is worth more than learning if you lack health you lack everything it is part of the cure to wish to be cured let your midday sleep be short or none at all a man too busy to take care of his health is like a mechanic too busy to take care of his tools many individuals shorten their days by lengthening their nights one hour's sleep before midnight is worth two after physician, heal thyself a physician is a man who pours drugs of which he knows little into a body of which he knows less physicians kill more than they cure pursue in health that conduct which you promise in sickness the sickness of the body may prove the health of the mind six hour's sleep for a man, seven for a woman, and eight for a fool a sound mind in a sound body suppers kill more than the greatest doctors can cure temperance is the best medicine without measure medicine will become poison you are what you eat you dig your grave with your own fork a young physician should have three graveyards

    English-Ukrainian dictionary of proverbs > _здоров'я; медицина

  • 10 Stephenson, George

    [br]
    b. 9 June 1781 Wylam, Northumberland, England
    d. 12 August 1848 Tapton House, Chesterfield, England
    [br]
    English engineer, "the father of railways".
    [br]
    George Stephenson was the son of the fireman of the pumping engine at Wylam colliery, and horses drew wagons of coal along the wooden rails of the Wylam wagonway past the house in which he was born and spent his earliest childhood. While still a child he worked as a cowherd, but soon moved to working at coal pits. At 17 years of age he showed sufficient mechanical talent to be placed in charge of a new pumping engine, and had already achieved a job more responsible than that of his father. Despite his position he was still illiterate, although he subsequently learned to read and write. He was largely self-educated.
    In 1801 he was appointed Brakesman of the winding engine at Black Callerton pit, with responsibility for lowering the miners safely to their work. Then, about two years later, he became Brakesman of a new winding engine erected by Robert Hawthorn at Willington Quay on the Tyne. Returning collier brigs discharged ballast into wagons and the engine drew the wagons up an inclined plane to the top of "Ballast Hill" for their contents to be tipped; this was one of the earliest applications of steam power to transport, other than experimentally.
    In 1804 Stephenson moved to West Moor pit, Killingworth, again as Brakesman. In 1811 he demonstrated his mechanical skill by successfully modifying a new and unsatisfactory atmospheric engine, a task that had defeated the efforts of others, to enable it to pump a drowned pit clear of water. The following year he was appointed Enginewright at Killingworth, in charge of the machinery in all the collieries of the "Grand Allies", the prominent coal-owning families of Wortley, Liddell and Bowes, with authorization also to work for others. He built many stationary engines and he closely examined locomotives of John Blenkinsop's type on the Kenton \& Coxlodge wagonway, as well as those of William Hedley at Wylam.
    It was in 1813 that Sir Thomas Liddell requested George Stephenson to build a steam locomotive for the Killingworth wagonway: Blucher made its first trial run on 25 July 1814 and was based on Blenkinsop's locomotives, although it lacked their rack-and-pinion drive. George Stephenson is credited with building the first locomotive both to run on edge rails and be driven by adhesion, an arrangement that has been the conventional one ever since. Yet Blucher was far from perfect and over the next few years, while other engineers ignored the steam locomotive, Stephenson built a succession of them, each an improvement on the last.
    During this period many lives were lost in coalmines from explosions of gas ignited by miners' lamps. By observation and experiment (sometimes at great personal risk) Stephenson invented a satisfactory safety lamp, working independently of the noted scientist Sir Humphry Davy who also invented such a lamp around the same time.
    In 1817 George Stephenson designed his first locomotive for an outside customer, the Kilmarnock \& Troon Railway, and in 1819 he laid out the Hetton Colliery Railway in County Durham, for which his brother Robert was Resident Engineer. This was the first railway to be worked entirely without animal traction: it used inclined planes with stationary engines, self-acting inclined planes powered by gravity, and locomotives.
    On 19 April 1821 Stephenson was introduced to Edward Pease, one of the main promoters of the Stockton \& Darlington Railway (S \& DR), which by coincidence received its Act of Parliament the same day. George Stephenson carried out a further survey, to improve the proposed line, and in this he was assisted by his 18-year-old son, Robert Stephenson, whom he had ensured received the theoretical education which he himself lacked. It is doubtful whether either could have succeeded without the other; together they were to make the steam railway practicable.
    At George Stephenson's instance, much of the S \& DR was laid with wrought-iron rails recently developed by John Birkinshaw at Bedlington Ironworks, Morpeth. These were longer than cast-iron rails and were not brittle: they made a track well suited for locomotives. In June 1823 George and Robert Stephenson, with other partners, founded a firm in Newcastle upon Tyne to build locomotives and rolling stock and to do general engineering work: after its Managing Partner, the firm was called Robert Stephenson \& Co.
    In 1824 the promoters of the Liverpool \& Manchester Railway (L \& MR) invited George Stephenson to resurvey their proposed line in order to reduce opposition to it. William James, a wealthy land agent who had become a visionary protagonist of a national railway network and had seen Stephenson's locomotives at Killingworth, had promoted the L \& MR with some merchants of Liverpool and had carried out the first survey; however, he overreached himself in business and, shortly after the invitation to Stephenson, became bankrupt. In his own survey, however, George Stephenson lacked the assistance of his son Robert, who had left for South America, and he delegated much of the detailed work to incompetent assistants. During a devastating Parliamentary examination in the spring of 1825, much of his survey was shown to be seriously inaccurate and the L \& MR's application for an Act of Parliament was refused. The railway's promoters discharged Stephenson and had their line surveyed yet again, by C.B. Vignoles.
    The Stockton \& Darlington Railway was, however, triumphantly opened in the presence of vast crowds in September 1825, with Stephenson himself driving the locomotive Locomotion, which had been built at Robert Stephenson \& Co.'s Newcastle works. Once the railway was at work, horse-drawn and gravity-powered traffic shared the line with locomotives: in 1828 Stephenson invented the horse dandy, a wagon at the back of a train in which a horse could travel over the gravity-operated stretches, instead of trotting behind.
    Meanwhile, in May 1826, the Liverpool \& Manchester Railway had successfully obtained its Act of Parliament. Stephenson was appointed Engineer in June, and since he and Vignoles proved incompatible the latter left early in 1827. The railway was built by Stephenson and his staff, using direct labour. A considerable controversy arose c. 1828 over the motive power to be used: the traffic anticipated was too great for horses, but the performance of the reciprocal system of cable haulage developed by Benjamin Thompson appeared in many respects superior to that of contemporary locomotives. The company instituted a prize competition for a better locomotive and the Rainhill Trials were held in October 1829.
    Robert Stephenson had been working on improved locomotive designs since his return from America in 1827, but it was the L \& MR's Treasurer, Henry Booth, who suggested the multi-tubular boiler to George Stephenson. This was incorporated into a locomotive built by Robert Stephenson for the trials: Rocket was entered by the three men in partnership. The other principal entrants were Novelty, entered by John Braithwaite and John Ericsson, and Sans Pareil, entered by Timothy Hackworth, but only Rocket, driven by George Stephenson, met all the organizers' demands; indeed, it far surpassed them and demonstrated the practicability of the long-distance steam railway. With the opening of the Liverpool \& Manchester Railway in 1830, the age of railways began.
    Stephenson was active in many aspects. He advised on the construction of the Belgian State Railway, of which the Brussels-Malines section, opened in 1835, was the first all-steam railway on the European continent. In England, proposals to link the L \& MR with the Midlands had culminated in an Act of Parliament for the Grand Junction Railway in 1833: this was to run from Warrington, which was already linked to the L \& MR, to Birmingham. George Stephenson had been in charge of the surveys, and for the railway's construction he and J.U. Rastrick were initially Principal Engineers, with Stephenson's former pupil Joseph Locke under them; by 1835 both Stephenson and Rastrick had withdrawn and Locke was Engineer-in-Chief. Stephenson remained much in demand elsewhere: he was particularly associated with the construction of the North Midland Railway (Derby to Leeds) and related lines. He was active in many other places and carried out, for instance, preliminary surveys for the Chester \& Holyhead and Newcastle \& Berwick Railways, which were important links in the lines of communication between London and, respectively, Dublin and Edinburgh.
    He eventually retired to Tapton House, Chesterfield, overlooking the North Midland. A man who was self-made (with great success) against colossal odds, he was ever reluctant, regrettably, to give others their due credit, although in retirement, immensely wealthy and full of honour, he was still able to mingle with people of all ranks.
    [br]
    Principal Honours and Distinctions
    President, Institution of Mechanical Engineers, on its formation in 1847. Order of Leopold (Belgium) 1835. Stephenson refused both a knighthood and Fellowship of the Royal Society.
    Bibliography
    1815, jointly with Ralph Dodd, British patent no. 3,887 (locomotive drive by connecting rods directly to the wheels).
    1817, jointly with William Losh, British patent no. 4,067 (steam springs for locomotives, and improvements to track).
    Further Reading
    L.T.C.Rolt, 1960, George and Robert Stephenson, Longman (the best modern biography; includes a bibliography).
    S.Smiles, 1874, The Lives of George and Robert Stephenson, rev. edn, London (although sycophantic, this is probably the best nineteenthcentury biography).
    PJGR

    Biographical history of technology > Stephenson, George

  • 11 Bollée, Ernest-Sylvain

    [br]
    b. 19 July 1814 Clefmont (Haute-Marne), France
    d. 11 September 1891 Le Mans, France
    [br]
    French inventor of the rotor-stator wind engine and founder of the Bollée manufacturing industry.
    [br]
    Ernest-Sylvain Bollée was the founder of an extensive dynasty of bellfounders based in Le Mans and in Orléans. He and his three sons, Amédée (1844–1917), Ernest-Sylvain fils (1846–1917) and Auguste (1847-?), were involved in work and patents on steam-and petrol-driven cars, on wind engines and on hydraulic rams. The presence of the Bollées' car industry in Le Mans was a factor in the establishment of the car races that are held there.
    In 1868 Ernest-Sylvain Bollée père took out a patent for a wind engine, which at that time was well established in America and in England. In both these countries, variable-shuttered as well as fixed-blade wind engines were in production and patented, but the Ernest-Sylvain Bollée patent was for a type of wind engine that had not been seen before and is more akin to the water-driven turbine of the Jonval type, with its basic principle being parallel to the "rotor" and "stator". The wind drives through a fixed ring of blades on to a rotating ring that has a slightly greater number of blades. The blades of the fixed ring are curved in the opposite direction to those on the rotating blades and thus the air is directed onto the latter, causing it to rotate at a considerable speed: this is the "rotor". For greater efficiency a cuff of sheet iron can be attached to the "stator", giving a tunnel effect and driving more air at the "rotor". The head of this wind engine is turned to the wind by means of a wind-driven vane mounted in front of the blades. The wind vane adjusts the wind angle to enable the wind engine to run at a constant speed.
    The fact that this wind engine was invented by the owner of a brass foundry, with all the gear trains between the wind vane and the head of the tower being of the highest-quality brass and, therefore, small in scale, lay behind its success. Also, it was of prefabricated construction, so that fixed lengths of cast-iron pillar were delivered, complete with twelve treads of cast-iron staircase fixed to the outside and wrought-iron stays. The drive from the wind engine was taken down the inside of the pillar to pumps at ground level.
    Whilst the wind engines were being built for wealthy owners or communes, the work of the foundry continued. The three sons joined the family firm as partners and produced several steam-driven vehicles. These vehicles were the work of Amédée père and were l'Obéissante (1873); the Autobus (1880–3), of which some were built in Berlin under licence; the tram Bollée-Dalifol (1876); and the private car La Mancelle (1878). Another important line, in parallel with the pumping mechanism required for the wind engines, was the development of hydraulic rams, following the Montgolfier patent. In accordance with French practice, the firm was split three ways when Ernest-Sylvain Bollée père died. Amédée père inherited the car side of the business, but it is due to Amédée fils (1867– 1926) that the principal developments in car manufacture came into being. He developed the petrol-driven car after the impetus given by his grandfather, his father and his uncle Ernest-Sylvain fils. In 1887 he designed a four-stroke single-cylinder engine, although he also used engines designed by others such as Peugeot. He produced two luxurious saloon cars before putting Torpilleur on the road in 1898; this car competed in the Tour de France in 1899. Whilst designing other cars, Amédée's son Léon (1870–1913) developed the Voiturette, in 1896, and then began general manufacture of small cars on factory lines. The firm ceased work after a merger with the English firm of Morris in 1926. Auguste inherited the Eolienne or wind-engine side of the business; however, attracted to the artistic life, he sold out to Ernest Lebert in 1898 and settled in the Paris of the Impressionists. Lebert developed the wind-engine business and retained the basic "stator-rotor" form with a conventional lattice tower. He remained in Le Mans, carrying on the business of the manufacture of wind engines, pumps and hydraulic machinery, describing himself as a "Civil Engineer".
    The hydraulic-ram business fell to Ernest-Sylvain fils and continued to thrive from a solid base of design and production. The foundry in Le Mans is still there but, more importantly, the bell foundry of Dominique Bollée in Saint-Jean-de-Braye in Orléans is still at work casting bells in the old way.
    [br]
    Further Reading
    André Gaucheron and J.Kenneth Major, 1985, The Eolienne Bollée, The International Molinological Society.
    Cénomane (Le Mans), 11, 12 and 13 (1983 and 1984).
    KM

    Biographical history of technology > Bollée, Ernest-Sylvain

  • 12 affluent

    'æfluənt
    (wealthy: He is becoming more and more affluent.) próspero, rico
    tr['æflʊənt]
    1 rico,-a, próspero,-a
    affluent ['æ.flu:ənt; æ'flu:-, ə-] adj
    : próspero, adinerado
    adj.
    próspero, -a adj. (Person)
    adj.
    acomodado, -a (Rico) adj.
    rico, -a adj.
    adj.
    afluente adj.
    n.
    afluente s.m.
    'æfluənt
    adjective <suburb/country> próspero; < person> acomodado, rico
    ['æflʊǝnt]
    1.
    ADJ acaudalado, rico
    2. N
    1)
    2) (Geog) afluente m
    * * *
    ['æfluənt]
    adjective <suburb/country> próspero; < person> acomodado, rico

    English-spanish dictionary > affluent

  • 13 affluent

    adjective

    the affluent societydie Überflussgesellschaft

    * * *
    ['æfluənt]
    (wealthy: He is becoming more and more affluent.) reich
    - academic.ru/1016/affluence">affluence
    * * *
    af·flu·ent
    [ˈæfluənt]
    I. adj wohlhabend, reich, vermögend
    \affluent society Wohlstandsgesellschaft f, Überflussgesellschaft f
    \affluent way of life Leben nt im Überfluss
    II. n
    the \affluent pl die Reichen pl
    * * *
    I ['flʊənt]
    adj
    reich, wohlhabend

    the affluent society —

    you affluent so-and-so!du reicher Sack! (inf), du Großkapitalist!

    II Nebenfluss m
    * * *
    A adj (adv affluently)
    1. reich(lich)
    2. wohlhabend, reich (in an dat):
    affluent society SOZIOL Wohlstandsgesellschaft f
    B s Nebenfluss m
    * * *
    adjective
    * * *
    adj.
    reich adj.
    wohlhabend adj.

    English-german dictionary > affluent

  • 14 come

    [kʌm] intransitive verb, came [keɪm], come

    come here! — komm [mal] her!

    [I'm] coming! — [ich] komme schon!

    come running into the roomins Zimmer gerannt kommen

    not know whether or if one is coming or going — nicht wissen, wo einem der Kopf steht

    they came to a house/town — sie kamen zu einem Haus/in eine Stadt

    Christmas/Easter is coming — bald ist Weihnachten/Ostern

    he has come a long wayer kommt von weit her

    come to somebody's notice or attention/knowledge — jemandem auffallen/zu Ohren kommen

    2) (occur) kommen; (in list etc.) stehen
    3) (become, be)

    the shoelaces have come undonedie Schnürsenkel sind aufgegangen

    it all came right in the endes ging alles gut aus

    have come to believe/realize that... — zu der Überzeugung/Einsicht gelangt sein, dass...

    4) (become present) kommen

    in the coming week/month — kommende Woche/kommenden Monat

    to come(future) künftig

    in years to comein künftigen Jahren

    for some time to come — [noch] für einige Zeit

    5) (be result) kommen
    6) (happen)

    how comes it that you...? — wie kommt es, dass du...?

    how come?(coll.) wieso?; weshalb?

    come what may — komme, was wolle (geh.); ganz gleich, was kommt

    7) (be available) [Waren:] erhältlich sein

    this dress comes in three sizesdies Kleid gibt es in drei Größen od. ist in drei Größen erhältlich

    8) (coll.): (play a part)

    come the bully with somebodybei jemandem den starken Mann markieren (salopp)

    don't come the innocent with mespiel mir nicht den Unschuldsengel vor! (ugs.)

    don't come that game with me!komm mir bloß nicht mit dieser Tour od. Masche! (salopp)

    Phrasal Verbs:
    - academic.ru/14418/come_about">come about
    * * *
    1. past tense - came; verb
    1) (to move etc towards the person speaking or writing, or towards the place being referred to by him: Come here!; Are you coming to the dance?; John has come to see me; Have any letters come for me?) kommen
    2) (to become near or close to something in time or space: Christmas is coming soon.) kommen
    3) (to happen or be situated: The letter `d' comes between `c' and è' in the alphabet.) erscheinen
    4) ((often with to) to happen (by accident): How did you come to break your leg?) dazu kommen
    5) (to arrive at (a certain state etc): What are things coming to? We have come to an agreement.) gelangen
    6) ((with to) (of numbers, prices etc) to amount (to): The total comes to 51.) hinauslaufen auf
    2. interjection
    (expressing disapproval, drawing attention etc: Come, come! That was very rude of you!) nun, bitte
    - comer
    - coming
    - comeback
    - comedown
    - come about
    - come across
    - come along
    - come by
    - come down
    - come into one's own
    - come off
    - come on
    - come out
    - come round
    - come to
    - come to light
    - come upon
    - come up with
    - come what may
    - to come
    * * *
    [kʌm]
    <came, come>
    1. (move towards) kommen
    \come here a moment kommst du mal einen Moment [her]?
    careful, a car's coming! Achtung, da kommt ein Auto!
    my sister came rushing out of the train meine Schwester stürmte aus dem Zug
    coming! ich komme!
    have you \come straight from the airport? kommen Sie direkt vom Flughafen?
    did you \come here by car? sind Sie mit dem Auto gekommen?
    she's \come 500 km to be here with us tonight sie ist 500 km gereist, um heute Abend bei uns zu sein
    \come to sunny Bridlington for your holidays! machen Sie Urlaub im sonnigen Bridlington!
    to \come into a room/building in ein Zimmer/Gebäude kommen
    to \come towards sb auf jdn zugehen
    2. (arrive) ankommen
    has she \come yet? ist sie schon da?
    Christmas is coming bald ist Weihnachten
    morning has not yet \come es ist noch nicht Morgen
    Christmas only \comes once a year Weihnachten ist nur einmal im Jahr
    how often does the post \come? wie oft kommt die Post?
    \come Monday morning you'll regret... Montagmorgen wirst du es bereuen, dass...
    \come March, I will have been married for two years im März bin ich zwei Jahre verheiratet
    I think the time has \come to... ich denke, es ist an der Zeit,...
    how's your headache?it \comes and goes was machen deine Kopfschmerzen? — mal besser, mal schlechter
    in days to \come in Zukunft
    to \come to sb's rescue jdm zu Hilfe kommen
    to \come as a surprise überraschend kommen
    the year to \come das kommende [o nächste] Jahr
    in years to \come in der Zukunft
    3. (go for a purpose)
    to \come and do sth [vorbei]kommen, um etw zu tun
    \come and visit us sometime komm doch mal vorbei
    I'll \come and pick you up in the car ich hole dich dann mit dem Auto ab
    dad, \come and see what I've done Papa, schau [mal], was ich gemacht habe
    I've \come to read the gas meter ich soll den Gaszähler ablesen
    to \come for sb/sth jdn/etw abholen
    your father will \come for you at 4 o'clock dein Vater kommt dich um 16 Uhr abholen
    the police have \come for you die Polizei will Sie sprechen
    4. (accompany someone) mitkommen
    are you coming or staying? kommst du oder bleibst du noch?
    would you like to \come for a walk? kommst du mit spazieren?
    are you coming to the cinema tonight? kommst du heute Abend mit ins Kino?
    do you want to \come to the pub with us? kommst du mit einen trinken?
    5. (originate from) herrühren, stammen
    where is that awful smell coming from? wo kommt dieser schreckliche Gestank her?
    his voice came from the bathroom seine Stimme drang aus dem Badezimmer
    he \comes of a farming family er stammt aus einer Familie mit langer Tradition in der Landwirtschaft
    does that quote \come from Shakespeare? stammt das Zitat von Shakespeare?
    to \come from Italy/a wealthy family aus Italien/einer wohlhabenden Familie stammen
    6. (in sequence)
    Z \comes after Y Z kommt nach Y
    Monday \comes before Tuesday Montag kommt vor Dienstag
    the article \comes before the noun der Artikel steht vor dem Substantiv
    7. (in competition)
    he \comes first in the list of the world's richest men er führt die Liste der reichsten Männer an
    Paul came far behind Paul kam nur unter „ferner liefen“
    to \come first/second BRIT, AUS Erste(r)/Zweite(r) werden
    to \come from behind aufholen
    8. (have priority)
    to \come before sth wichtiger als etw sein
    to \come first [bei jdm] an erster Stelle stehen
    9. (happen) geschehen
    how exactly did you \come to be naked in the first place? wie genau kam es dazu, dass Sie nackt waren?
    \come to think of it... wenn ich es mir recht überlege,...
    \come what may komme, was wolle
    how did the window \come to be open? wieso war das Fenster offen?
    you could see it coming das war ja zu erwarten
    how \come? wieso?
    how \come you missed the train? wie kommt's, dass du den Zug verpasst hast?
    10. (be, become)
    to \come under bombardment/pressure/suspicion unter Beschuss/Druck/Verdacht geraten
    to \come under criticism in die Kritik geraten
    to \come into fashion in Mode kommen
    to \come into money/property/a title zu Geld/Besitz/einem Titel kommen
    to \come into office sein Amt antreten
    to \come into power an die Macht kommen
    to \come loose sich [ab]lösen
    to \come open sich akk öffnen; door aufgehen
    how did that phrase \come to mean that? wie kam dieser Ausdruck zu dieser Bedeutung?
    I've \come to like him more and more ich finde ihn immer netter
    I've finally \come to agree with you du hast mich überzeugt
    your shoelaces have \come undone deine Schnürsenkel sind aufgegangen
    all my dreams came true all meine Träume haben sich erfüllt
    everything will \come right in the end am Ende wird alles gut werden
    nothing came of it daraus ist nichts geworden
    his hair \comes [down] to his shoulders seine Haare reichen ihm bis auf die Schultern
    11. (be available) erhältlich sein; (exist) vorkommen, existieren
    the vase \comes in a red box die Vase wird in einem roten Karton geliefert
    how would you like your coffee?as it \comes, please wie trinken Sie Ihren Kaffee? — schwarz, bitte
    sth \comes in different sizes/colours etw ist in unterschiedlichen Größen/Farben erhältlich, etw gibt es in unterschiedlichen Größen/Farben
    to \come cheap[er] billig[er] sein fam
    12. (progress) weiterkommen
    we've \come a long way wir haben viel erreicht
    13. (sl: have orgasm) kommen sl
    14.
    \come, \come! ach, ich bitte dich! fam
    \come again? [wie] bitte?
    to \come clean about sth etw beichten
    he/she had it coming [to himself/herself] ( fam) das hat er/sie sich selbst zu verdanken!
    don't \come it [with me]! sei nicht so frech [zu mir]!
    I don't know whether I'm coming or going ich weiß nicht, wo mir der Kopf steht fam
    to be as stupid as they \come dumm wie Stroh sein
    ... and \come to that...... und da wir gerade davon sprechen,... fam
    to \come unstuck BRIT, AUS plan schiefgehen; speaker steckenbleiben; person baden gehen fam; project in die Binsen gehen fam
    to \come the heavy father [with sb] [bei jdm] den strengen Vater herauskehren
    to \come the poor little innocent [with sb] [bei jdm] die Unschuldige/den Unschuldigen spielen
    don't \come that game with me! komm mir jetzt bloß nicht so! fam
    III. NOUN
    no pl ( vulg: semen) Soße f vulg
    * * *
    [kʌm] pret came, ptp come
    1. vi
    1) (= approach) kommen

    come and get it! — (das) Essen ist fertig!, Essen fassen! (esp Mil)

    to come and go — kommen und gehen; (vehicle) hin- und herfahren

    the picture/sound comes and goes — das Bild/der Ton geht immerzu weg

    I don't know whether I'm coming or going — ich weiß nicht (mehr), wo mir der Kopf steht (inf)

    he has come a long way — er hat einen weiten Weg hinter sich; (fig)

    coming! —

    come come!, come now! (fig) — komm(, komm)!, na, na!

    2) (= arrive) kommen; (= reach, extend) reichen (to an/in/bis etc +acc)

    they came to a town/castle — sie kamen in eine Stadt/zu einem Schloss

    it came to me that... — mir fiel ein, dass...

    3) (= have its place) kommen
    4) (= happen) geschehen

    come what may — ganz gleich, was geschieht, komme, was (da) mag (geh)

    you could see it comingdas konnte man ja kommen sehen, das war ja zu erwarten

    you've got it coming to you (inf)mach dich auf was gefasst!

    5)

    how come? (inf) — wieso?, weshalb?

    how come you're so late?, how do you come to be so late? — wieso etc kommst du so spät?

    6) (= be, become) werden

    the handle has come loose —

    it comes less expensive to shop in town — es ist or kommt billiger, wenn man in der Stadt einkauft

    everything came all right in the endzuletzt or am Ende wurde doch noch alles gut

    7) (COMM: be available) erhältlich sein
    8)

    (+infin = be finally in a position to) I have come to believe him — inzwischen or mittlerweile glaube ich ihm

    I'm sure you will come to agree with me — ich bin sicher, dass du mir schließlich zustimmst

    (now I) come to think of it — wenn ich es mir recht überlege

    9)

    the years/weeks to come — die kommenden or nächsten Jahre/Wochen

    in time to come —

    the life (of the world) to come — das ewige Leben

    ... come next week — nächste Woche...

    how long have you been away? – a week come Monday — wie lange bist du schon weg? – (am) Montag acht Tage (inf) or eine Woche

    a week come Monday I'll be... — Montag in acht Tagen (inf) or in einer Woche bin ich...

    11) (inf: have orgasm) kommen (inf)
    2. vt (Brit inf
    = act as if one were) spielen

    don't come the innocent with me — spielen Sie hier bloß nicht den Unschuldigen!, kommen Sie mir bloß nicht auf die unschuldige Tour

    he tried to come the innocent with me — er hat versucht, den Unschuldigen zu markieren (inf), er hat es auf die unschuldige Tour versucht (inf)

    3. n
    (sl: semen) Saft m (sl)
    * * *
    come [kʌm]
    A v/i prät came [keım], pperf come
    1. kommen:
    sb is coming es kommt jemand;
    I don’t know whether I’m coming or going ich weiß nicht, wo mir der Kopf steht;
    be long in coming lange auf sich warten lassen;
    come before the judge vor den Richter kommen;
    he came to see us er besuchte uns, er suchte uns auf;
    no work has come his way er hat (noch) keine Arbeit gefunden;
    that comes on page 4 das kommt auf Seite 4;
    the message has come die Nachricht ist gekommen oder eingetroffen;
    ill luck came to him ihm widerfuhr (ein) Unglück;
    I was coming to that darauf wollte ich gerade hinaus;
    come 8th SPORT etc Achter werden
    2. (dran)kommen, an die Reihe kommen:
    who comes first?
    3. kommen, erscheinen, auftreten:
    a) kommen und gehen,
    b) erscheinen und verschwinden;
    love will come in time mit der Zeit wird sich die Liebe einstellen
    4. reichen, sich erstrecken:
    the dress comes to her knees das Kleid reicht ihr bis zu den Knien
    5. kommen, gelangen ( beide:
    to zu):
    come to the throne auf den Thron gelangen;
    come into danger in Gefahr geraten;
    when we come to die wenn es zum Sterben kommt, wenn wir sterben müssen;
    how came it to be yours? wie kamen oder gelangten Sie dazu?
    6. kommen, abstammen ( beide:
    of, from von):
    he comes of a good family er kommt oder stammt aus gutem Hause;
    I come from Leeds ich stamme aus Leeds
    7. kommen, herrühren ( beide:
    of von):
    that’s what comes of your hurry das kommt von deiner Eile;
    nothing came of it es wurde nichts daraus
    8. kommen, geschehen, sich entwickeln, sich ereignen, SPORT fallen (Tor):
    come what may ( oder will) komme, was da wolle;
    how did this come to be? wie kam es dazu?
    9. sich erweisen:
    it comes expensive es kommt teuer;
    the expenses come rather high die Kosten kommen recht hoch
    10. ankommen ( to sb jemanden):
    it comes hard (easy) to me es fällt mir schwer (leicht)
    11. (vor inf) werden, sich entwickeln, dahin oder dazu kommen:
    he has come to be a good musician er ist ein guter Musiker geworden, aus ihm ist ein guter Musiker geworden;
    it has come to be the custom es ist Sitte geworden;
    come to know sb jemanden kennenlernen;
    come to know sth etwas erfahren;
    come to appreciate sb jemanden schätzen lernen;
    I have come to believe that … ich bin zu der Überzeugung gekommen, dass…;
    how did you come to do that? wie kamen Sie dazu, das zu tun?
    12. (besonders vor adj) werden, sich entwickeln:
    come true sich bewahrheiten oder erfüllen, eintreffen:
    come all right in Ordnung kommen;
    the butter will not come die Butter bildet sich nicht oder umg wird nicht
    13. AGR, BOT (heraus-)kommen, sprießen, keimen
    14. auf den Markt kommen, erhältlich sein:
    these shirts come in three sizes diese Hemden gibt es in drei Größen
    15. to come (als adj gebraucht) (zu)künftig, kommend:
    the life to come das zukünftige Leben;
    for all time to come für alle Zukunft;
    in the years to come in den kommenden Jahren
    16. umg kommen (einen Orgasmus haben)
    B v/t umg sich aufspielen als, jemanden oder etwas spielen, herauskehren:
    don’t try to come the great scholar over me! versuche nicht, mir gegenüber den großen Gelehrten zu spielen!;
    come it over sb sich jemandem gegenüber aufspielen;
    come it a bit (too) strong (stark) übertreiben;
    don’t come that dodge over me! mit dem Trick kommst du bei mir nicht an!
    C int na (hör mal)!, komm!, bitte!:
    come, come!
    a) auch come now! nanu!, nicht so wild!, immer langsam!
    b) (ermutigend) na komm schon!, auf gehts!
    D s
    1. Kommen n:
    the come and go of the years das Kommen und Gehen der Jahre
    2. vulg Soße f (Sperma)Besondere Redewendungen: come to that umg was das betrifft;
    as stupid as they come umg dumm wie Bohnenstroh;
    how comes it that …?, umg how come that …? wie kommt es, dass …? how come? umg wieso (denn)?, wie das?;
    a year ago come March umg im März vor einem Jahr;
    came Christmas obs dann kam Weihnachten;
    he is coming nicely umg er macht sich recht gut;
    come it Br umg es schaffen;
    he can’t come that Br umg das schafft er nicht; again 1; (siehe a. die Verbindungen mit den entsprechenden Substantiven etc)
    * * *
    [kʌm] intransitive verb, came [keɪm], come

    come here! — komm [mal] her!

    [I'm] coming! — [ich] komme schon!

    not know whether or if one is coming or going — nicht wissen, wo einem der Kopf steht

    they came to a house/town — sie kamen zu einem Haus/in eine Stadt

    Christmas/Easter is coming — bald ist Weihnachten/Ostern

    come to somebody's notice or attention/knowledge — jemandem auffallen/zu Ohren kommen

    2) (occur) kommen; (in list etc.) stehen
    3) (become, be)

    have come to believe/realize that... — zu der Überzeugung/Einsicht gelangt sein, dass...

    4) (become present) kommen

    in the coming week/month — kommende Woche/kommenden Monat

    to come (future) künftig

    for some time to come — [noch] für einige Zeit

    5) (be result) kommen

    how comes it that you...? — wie kommt es, dass du...?

    how come?(coll.) wieso?; weshalb?

    come what may — komme, was wolle (geh.); ganz gleich, was kommt

    7) (be available) [Waren:] erhältlich sein
    8) (coll.): (play a part)
    Phrasal Verbs:
    * * *
    interj.
    eingekehrt interj.
    komm interj.
    kommen interj. v.
    (§ p.,p.p.: came, come)
    = kommen v.
    (§ p.,pp.: kam, ist gekommen)

    English-german dictionary > come

  • 15 affluent

    'æfluənt
    (wealthy: He is becoming more and more affluent.) rik, velstående
    rik
    I
    subst. \/ˈæflʊənt\/
    bielv
    the affluent de velstående
    II
    adj. \/ˈæflʊənt\/
    1) rik, formuende, velstående
    2) i overflod, rikelig
    3) ( gammeldags) vannrik
    affluent in rik på

    English-Norwegian dictionary > affluent

  • 16 affluent

    ['æfluənt]
    (wealthy: He is becoming more and more affluent.) auðugur, velmegandi

    English-Icelandic dictionary > affluent

  • 17 affluent

    mellékfolyó, gazdag
    * * *
    ['æfluənt]
    (wealthy: He is becoming more and more affluent.) jómódú

    English-Hungarian dictionary > affluent

  • 18 affluent

    ['æfluənt]
    (wealthy: He is becoming more and more affluent.) rico
    * * *
    af.flu.ent
    ['æfluənt] n afluente. • adj 1 afluente. 2 muito rico, opulento.

    English-Portuguese dictionary > affluent

  • 19 affluent

    adj. bol, çok, gürül gürül akan, zengin, varlıklı
    ————————
    n. ırmak ayağı, ırmağa dökülen akarsu
    * * *
    bol
    * * *
    ['æfluənt]
    (wealthy: He is becoming more and more affluent.) varlıklı

    English-Turkish dictionary > affluent

  • 20 affluent

    ['æfluənt]
    (wealthy: He is becoming more and more affluent.) premožen
    * * *
    [aefluənt]
    1.
    adjective ( affluently adverb)
    obilen, premožen, bogat (in česa);
    2.
    noun
    pritok

    English-Slovenian dictionary > affluent

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